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“If the Summit is a first step towards an inclusive peace process, the gathering will have to make clear what the next step looks like. Who will organise the next conference? How will Russia be brought on board?“
Amb. Thomas Greminger, Senior network
Director of the Geneva Center for Security Policy (GCSP)
The high-level gathering aims to develop a “common understanding of a path towards a just and lasting peace in Ukraine.” The word “path” is significant, as the Summit will mark only a first step of what could eventually lead to an inclusive peace process.
So, what outcomes can we expect?
- It aims to offer an inclusive platform for all states to present their peace plans and visions for ending this war. Establishing transparency about what is currently on the table may help chart a way forward.
- The agenda will focus on three specific topics: nuclear safety, food security and humanitarian concerns. The conference is expected to provide some actionable ideas in these areas. Contributing to the establishment of clear protocols to protect civilian nuclear infrastructures, for instance, or to re-establish safe maritime passages in the Black Sea. We might see further progress on the release of prisoners or the return of children.
- If the Summit is a first step towards an inclusive peace process, the gathering will have to make clear what the next step looks like. Who will organise the next conference? How will Russia be brought on board?
- Since Russia’s involvement is essential, it is important that the meeting is not perceived as ganging up against the state. At the same time, the Summit is expected to express a firm commitment to the principles of international law.
The hope is that the Summit will make progress in these areas, laying the groundwork for launching an inclusive peace process.
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“The initiatives that may be proposed are based on the hypothesis that Ukraine will win the war and achieve all its objectives. Russia’s total defeat is very unlikely. In addition, President Zelensky stated that he would not negotiate any peace agreement with President Putin…“
Mira Milosevich, Contact Group on Russia-West Relations
Senior Analyst for Russia, Eurasia, an the Balkans, Elcano Royal Institute
The Conference will succeed in making visible, through Swiss diplomatic efforts, the support of many countries for Ukraine and even in proposing some practical steps to follow to reach peace agreements.
However, the Conference will not address the key problem: How to compel Russia to accept a peace agreement satisfactory to Ukraine? A diplomatic initiative of this kind will demonstrate that Ukraine continues to have significant support, but the absence of Russia reflects that the Kremlin is not interested in a peace agreement based on the UN principles of territorial integrity and national sovereignty but rather seeks an end to the war that recognises the annexed Ukrainian territories as Russian. At this moment, both Ukraine and Russia claim they can win the war with their maximalist ambitions: Kyiv aims to expel Russian troops from all its territory, and Moscow believes it can keep the annexed areas and gain more.
The initiatives that may be proposed are based on the hypothesis that Ukraine will win the war and achieve all its objectives. Russia’s total defeat is very unlikely. In addition, President Zelensky stated that he would not negotiate any peace agreement with President Putin.
Some of the proposed topics, especially freedom of navigation, food security, human aspects, and the prosecution of war crimes, can help alleviate the consequences of the war for the rest of the world and perhaps even within Ukraine itself, but they are not initiatives to end the war.
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“The message must be clear: aggression will result in significant and tangible consequences…”
Rihards Kols, Senior Network
Member of the Latvian Saeima and Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee
As Russia’s war on Ukraine drags on, the international community must take decisive action. The most effective step participants can agree upon right now is the immediate confiscation of Russia’s frozen assets held in Western banks and institutions and their direct transfer to Ukraine.
This bold move is essential to demonstrate that the global community will not tolerate blatant international law and sovereignty violations. The seizure of these assets would serve as a concrete punitive measure against Russia, showcasing a unified and unyielding stance against its aggression. It is not enough to impose sanctions and express condemnation; tangible actions must be taken to hold Russia accountable.
Moreover, these funds should be swiftly transferred to Ukraine to support its defence, reconstruction, and humanitarian needs. The Ukrainian people have endured unimaginable hardships, and our moral duty is to ensure they have the resources required to rebuild their country and lives. This financial aid would bolster Ukraine’s resilience, helping to restore critical infrastructure, support displaced populations, and rejuvenate its economy.
This action is not merely symbolic; it is a necessary step to undermine Russia’s capacity to sustain its military operations and to provide Ukraine with the resources it desperately needs. The message must be clear: aggression will result in significant and tangible consequences.
Hesitation or half-measures only embolden. We must act decisively. By agreeing to confiscate and reallocate assets, the international community can take a robust step towards ensuring justice and fostering sustainable peace. This bold action will set a precedent that aggression will be met with unwavering resistance and severe repercussions.
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“The Peace Summit may yield progress if it somehow manages to tap into the convergence between non-Western countries’ preference for a negotiated solution and Western countries’ ambition to deny Russia further territorial advances in Ukraine...”
Dr Henrik B. Larsen, Young Generation Leaders Network
Research Fellow with the Institute for Peace and Diplomacy (IPD), and non-resident fellow with the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and the International Center for Defense and Security (ICDS).
The Swiss Peace Summit comes at a time when Russia is trying to make battlefield gains before increased Western weapons productions are expected to reach Ukraine by 2025 to maintain its defensive positions. The success of the Summit depends on the extent to which it can show international consensus for Russia to cease its hostilities.
The fact that China is not participating (citing the fact that Russia was not invited) does not give the Summit the best point of departure. The question is whether it can bring on board other important non-Western countries such as India, on which Russia depends economically and in world diplomacy.
The Peace Summit may yield progress if it somehow manages to tap into the convergence between non-Western countries’ preference for a negotiated solution and Western countries’ ambition to deny Russia further territorial advances in Ukraine. Producing a joint statement that encourages ending the armed hostilities seems to be the highest attainable goal (with the hope, perhaps, to lay the foundation for further talks).
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“The European Leadership Network itself as an institution holds no formal policy positions. The opinions articulated above represent the views of the authors rather than the European Leadership Network or its members. The ELN aims to encourage debates that will help develop Europe’s capacity to address the pressing foreign, defence, and security policy challenges of our time, to further its charitable purposes.”